The History Of Kurdistan
The PKK Party Program (1998),
Chapter Two: Kurdish Society
In our country, Kurdistan, one of the most fertile regions of the
earth, humanity for the first time in its history began to cultivate
agriculture, have a settled life, and to raise livestock. Various
tribes have lived in this region since long, long ago, and they began
a specific development towards culture. For these reasons, this
region has played the role of the cradle of civilization for a long
time. The region possessed many raw materials, as well as means of
connection and transportation to other civilizations. This beneficial
situation also had its disadvantages, however, since our country has
also been a battleground for wars since long ago. During such
developments, entire tribes were either wiped out or forced to live
under occupation.
The efforts by our people to settle in our country began when the
Medes arrived on the stage of history in about 1000 B.C. The Medes,
who stemmed from the Aryan branch of Indo-Europeans, waged a
centuries-long war against their neighbors, the Persians and the
Assyrians, in order to be able to settle down in this country and
expand.
The Medes, after first defeating the Persians and then overcoming the
Assyrians in 612 B.C., formed the largest empire of that time
period. The boundaries of the Median Empire encompassed all of what is
today known as Kurdistan. The long years of their struggle gave rise
to a national consciousness, while at the same time developing their
freedom loving character. They adopted the cultures of the various
tribes living in the region into their own culture, and they played a
leading role in the formation of our national values during the
development of this new culture.
The Median Empire, which eventually took on the character of a
despotic and enslaving empire, was defeated by the Persians in the
year 550 B.C. From this date on, our people began a phase of permanent
occupation and subjection to tyranny. From the 6th century B.C. until
the 7th century A.D., when Arab troops invaded and took over the
region, our people lived under the occupation of different enslaving
empires. Persians, Greeks and Macedonians, Armenians, Romans,
Byzantines, and others either chose Kurdistan as the battlefield for
their struggles or, in the event of a victory, subjected our people to
their rule. In either case, there was always a great loss of life, and
our people were forced to live in the most mountainous and harsh
regions of the country. This condition led to us forming an
internalized, tribal society. During the feudal period, the
occupation and tyranny which our people were subjected to
increased. The victory of the Arabs in the 7th century was especially
bloody. The Islamic ideology took over from national development, and
in this way our people were alienated from their own values and were
thereby hindered in their national development. This was an important
factor which led to our people remaining under the control of foreign,
feudal powers.
The period of Arab dominance and all of its oppression lasted until
the 10th century. At that point, it began to weaken. The lack of
another powerful occupying force resulted in a period of beneficial
conditions, during which our people could again develop their national
unity. The result of these beneficial conditions were the formation of
various Kurdish feudal states, in particular the Kurdish state of
Marwaniden.
In the 11th century, a new occupying force took over Kurdistan. These
were the Oguz tribes, or Turks, which were near the upper levels of
barbarism and which developed into a conquering power after adopting
Islam. The Turks quickly organized themselves during these events into
feudal lords. Because the cultures in the lands which they occupied
were more further developed than their own, the Turkish tribes became
mostly assimilated in the regions where they settled.
The period of control by Turkish feudal lords over Kurdistan (Atabey,
Hakan, Sultan), which we have only briefly sketched here, lasted from
the 11th century until the 20th century. This period was marked by
great violence and massacres. Despite the fall of the Atabey, the
Akkoyunlular, the Artikogullari, and other Anatolian tribes, the
Turkish feudal lords maintained their control over Kurdistan. Then the
Mongolian conquerors and the Tibur swept through Kurdistan like a
whirlwind. A large part of Kurdistan, which previously was under the
control of the Safawidian Empire in Iran, came under the control of
the Ottomans. Therefore, Kurdistan became divided between the
Safawidian and the Ottoman Empires.
All of these periods of feudal control were of a very violent and
exploiting character, and they always faced a violent resistance from
our people. Because our people were never fully brought under their
control, the banner of resistance was raised at every opportunity. The
vast mountains of Kurdistan became forts of security, protecting our
existence and our freedom. The period of Ottoman-Turkish feudal
control over Kurdistan, which played a major role in the dividing and
splitting up of Kurdistan, began in the 16th century. Sheik Idris-I
Bitlisi, one of the representatives of the Kurdish feudal dynasty,
played a major role in securing the power of the Ottomans over
Kurdistan. This one person, who was a willing agent for the Ottoman
sultans, divided our people at this time into two schools of
thought. This division benefitted the political goals of both the
Ottoman sultans as well as the Iranian sheiks. On the one hand, they
used Kurdistan as their battlefield for their battles against one
another, and on the other hand these battles were made easier for them
by playing our people off against one another. Therefore, our people
remained under their control. Even today, the Turkish colonialists
continue to benefit from this division. At first, the Ottoman-Turkish
rule was not very strong, and Kurdish feudal lords enjoyed extensive
autonomy. This manifested itself in the sending of pledges of loyalty,
soldiers, and gifts to the sultans. But in the 18th century, along
with the advent of capitalism, which developed as the dominant mode of
production in Western Europe, the Ottomans suffered a series of
defeats and the resulting loss of income which they used to draw from
their conquered lands abroad they were forced to collect by increasing
pressure and exploitation on their internal colonies. In the 19th
century, this tendency increased, and as a result, an uprising broke
out in Kurdistan as a reaction to this pressure and exploitation, and
several tribes took part. The bloody suppression of this revolt led to
an increase in pressure from the Ottoman rulers. When the Ottoman
Empire collapsed after the First World War of global redivision, the
pressure on Kurdistan came from outside instead. During these years,
the external conditions for achieving independence were especially
favorable, because the imperialist countries were not able to
establish a total occupation of the region. But the internal
conditions (feudal tribal structures, the non-existence of modern
classes, disorganization) and pressure from the reorganized Turkish
ruling classes made it difficult or impossible to make use of the
favorable external conditions. Centuries of continuous feudal
domination over Kurdistan prevented the creation of a Kurdish society
with its own dynamic. The feudalized tribal structure, which was
heavily influenced by the foreign occupying powers, was of a very
collaborationist character. The Kurdish feudal classes which had
formed found it more in their own self-interest to be dependent on
foreign powers rather than to be independent. The struggle to preserve
their own internal positions of power brought the society as a whole
to a hopeless situation.
The Phase Of Capitalist Colonialism
During the phase of capitalist formation, the oppression and
exploitation in our country greatly increased, even more so than in
the times of slavery and feudalism when there was occupation and
plundering. The capitalist colonial forces did not hesitate to use all
the means of destruction at their disposal, both subtle and brutal
methods, in order to erase the name of our country and the existence
of our people from history.
The developments following the First World War had very deep and
lasting effects on our country. Whereas before our country had been
divided between the Ottoman sultans and the Iranian Shah, now we were
divided up into four parts following an agreement between the Turkish
colonial power and the British and French imperialists.
During the capitalist period, it was primarily the Turks who colonized
Kurdistan. The Turkish Republic, which was founded on the remains of
the Ottoman Empire after the war, had no problem in securing its hold
over Kurdistan, which had been occupied ever since the Ottoman
times. By expanding its capitalist socio- economic basis, the rule of
the Turkish Republic, in comparison to Turkish administrations during
the feudal period, was more extensive with respect to military,
political, economic, and cultural matters. A legal foundation for the
annexation of a large portion of Kurdistan into the Turkish Republic
was provided by the Treaty of Ankara signed with France in 1921, and
the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923, which the British played a major role
in drafting. During the Turkish Republic's formative years, the
Turkish administration's influence in Kurdistan was very limited. At
the same time, the influence of Kurdish feudal and tribal lords
(internal autonomy) grew stronger. In the first parliament of the
Turkish Republic, one even heard mention of
the government of two peoplesand
the parliament of two peoples. As the central government grew stronger, there were conflicts between the Republic and the local authorities, who naturally wished to protect the class interests of the feudal tribal leaders. The governments of the Republic, who saw it as their task to
create an authentic Turkish nation within its own borders, were able to derive great benefits from their conflicts with the local authorities.
In order to create a military basis for the occupation of Kurdistan,
the main precondition for a colonial praxis, the strategy of these
governments was not to occupy Kurdistan all at once, which wouldn't
have been possible anyway given the balance of power at that time, but
rather to take over the country bit by bit. In order to do this,
classic methods of religious divergence were used to play the people
off against each other. To prevent any internal or external
opposition, the notion was spread that
wild, murderous Kurds were revolting. Just the right time was needed to launch this strategy; at the same time, the uprisings which had been led by feudal lords, but which usually had a tendency to split, grew into full-scale revolts. Using these revolts as a pretext, the people were massacred, the local authorities destroyed, and our country was brought under the total control of the central government. A plan was then launched to intimidate our people from becoming active or launching another revolt ever again.
On the basis of the strategy which was pursued by Turkish governments
in the years from 1925 to 1938, our country fell under total military
control. With this as a foundation, the development of colonialism in
the political, cultural, and economic spheres was much easier.
Despite the fact that international conditions were very favorable for
the liberation of Kurdistan from colonialism following the Second
World War, there were no progressive steps undertaken in our country
due to Turkey's non-entry into the war, which was a result of their
strong military control over our country and their attempts to
maintain a backwards social structure. When the collaborating Turkish
bourgeoisie grew stronger, with external support from the USA and
internal backing from Kurdish feudal lords, Turkey underwent a period
of economic development in the 1950s. The beginnings of capitalist
agriculture and the founding of assembly line industries provided an
impulse for removing the isolation which had surrounded
Kurdistan. Also, the crisis of imperialism at that time, along with
the breaking open of the closed economy to a free market, played a
role in this. In short, the development of Turkish capitalism, the
market problems of imperialism, and the competition of Kurdish large
land owners in capitalist efforts brought forth a form of colonialist
capitalism in Kurdistan in the 1960s. The exploitation of the
country's natural resources and the effects of this type of
capitalism, which led to a partial dissolution of feudalism, were
devastating. Millions of people became unemployed as machinery was
introduced into agriculture and people became separated from their
lands due to Turkish industrialization. In order to prevent a reaction
to these negative developments, school-aged youths, particularly in
Kurdistan, were subjected to a primitive culture and a policy of
assimilation.
The colonization of the Kurdish regions of Turkey, therefore, took
place before the colonization of the other parts of Kurdistan.
One small part in the west of southern Kurdistan was under a French
mandate for a time; when the French departed, the area came under Arab
control. A large segment of the population of this part of Kurdistan,
which can be seen as an extension of the borders of northwest
Kurdistan, were not recognized as citizens of Syria and held the
status of outsiders. In the early 1970s, attempts were made to settle
Arab peoples in the fertile Kurdish regions, but this policy was later
abandoned. The Kurdish society there, which had lived according to
traditional norms, has begun to gradually change over the past few
years.
The vast majority of south Kurdistan remained under a British mandate
until 1931. The British, together with the Arabs, sought to break the
Kurdish resistance against them, and later a dependent Iraqi-Arab
client state was created. The Arab bourgeoisie in this state gained
full sovereignty in 1958 and exhibited parallels to the seizure of
power in Turkey by Mustafa Kemal. Just as the Kemalists in Turkey had
occupied northwest Kurdistan during the years from 1925 to 1938, the
same task was undertaken in south Kurdistan as well. In 1974, a revolt
led by the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), which had both
semi-feudal and semi-bourgeois elements in this part of Kurdistan, was
partially put down. Building on this, an attempt was made to complete
the military occupation of south Kurdistan and continue with
colonization in the other sectors.
The hegemony of the Shah over east Kurdistan dates back
centuries. Although the Shah usually came from the Persian nation,
they always tried to present themselves as the great leader of the
Kurds and the Persians and to be accepted as such. An attempt was
made to claim that both peoples stemmed from a joint ancestry. In
fact, however, the Persians enjoyed the hegemony over the other
peoples living in the empire and they subjected them to their rule.
Iran, which began the 20th century as a British semi-colony, began to
grow stronger after the First World War and the seizure of power by
Riza Pehlevi, and certain bourgeois reforms were introduced. During
the Second World War, the Soviet Red Army in the north and British
troops in the south occupied the country. The Azerbaijani and Kurdish
peoples took advantage of this advantageous condition to declare their
own republics, with the support of the Red Army. When the Red Army
retreated soon thereafter, both republics were crushed by the Shah's
forces.
After 1950, Iran took on the status of one of the USA's neo- colonies,
and under the rule of the Shah took on the role of gendarme for
imperialism in the Middle East. The Shah's regime, which grew in
strength following the discovery of vast oil reserves, ruled the
population with grim, fascist methods. Although capitalism in Iran
was able to develop due to the country's relationship to imperialism,
this development had no effect upon Kurdistan, which maintained its
feudal structures. On the basis of strengthening capitalist
relationships, however, colonialist capitalism was eventually able to
penetrate into east Kurdistan.
The Phase Of National Liberation
Because the KDP movement simply represented a continuation of
traditional Kurdish revolts, partially adapted to the conditions
following the Second World War, it was not able to take on the form of
a modern national liberation movement. As a result, the movement
suffered a defeat in the 1970s. One positive element of this movement
was that it kept an element of Kurdish consciousness alive; the
negative side of this, however, was that the Kurdish national question
became distorted and used as a tool for foreign hegemonical powers.
In the 1970s, when a certain degree of modern socio-economic
development could be seen in Kurdistan, and after the KDP had
experienced its defeat, new ideological and political tendencies began
to develop in Kurdistan. While petty bourgeois tendencies of various
forms arose in the northwest and southern parts of Kurdistan, our
party, the PKK, came to represent the revolutionary and national line
of the workers and the working class.
The creation of our party as a revolutionary socialist vanguard, as
well as a modern national liberation movement, marked a very decisive
turning point in the history of Kurdistan. Our party introduced a new
phase, namely the phase which was characterized by the end of the
developed colonial hegemony and the end of the destruction of our
nation. Our resistance protected our national identity and propagated
the national liberation struggle. By pushing through a revolutionary
line within national liberation, based on the modern developments in
northwest Kurdistan and the leadership of the working class and the
population of the geographically largest section of Kurdistan, the
mistakes of previous national liberation movements were corrected and
the patriotic sectors of the population were united and regenerated on
this basis.
Our party, which was officially founded in 1978 after a five-year
ideological phase of formation, and which waged a political and
military struggle for national liberation, dealt a heavy blow to the
Turkish Republic, which denied the existence of our people. All of
this led to the fascist military coup of September 12, 1980. In the
period from 1970 to 1980, the ideological and political line of
national liberation was formulated. On this basis, the people realized
their first revolutionary actions. From a philosophical point of view,
this was the time when they began to shed the colonial hegemony over
their thinking.
The period from 1980 to 1990 was one of building upon the resistance
to the fascist and colonialist regime of September 12, as well as the
revolutionary actions of August 15, 1984. The rule of the Turkish
Republic over Kurdistan was undermined during this phase, as Kurdish
society experienced an enormous rise of revolutionary and national
consciousness, which led to the formation of a front and an army
within the national liberation movement. These national and
revolutionary advances in northwest Kurdistan, under the leadership of
our party, began to have an influence over all of Kurdistan.
Today, a very penetrating national and social revolution is taking
place in northwest Kurdistan. The national liberation struggle, which
is aimed against the special war of the Turkish Republic, is being
carried out in all parts of the country. The people, who have become
united and conscious under the leadership of our party, are moving to
break through colonial rule and create a national and democratic
people's power by waging a determined struggle despite unimaginable
pains and difficulties. On this basis, the national liberation
struggle will spread out to all the other parts of Kurdistan and
create a united Kurdistan.
The small, western portion of south Kurdistan is strongly influenced
by the events in northwest Kurdistan. Particularly since the mid
1980s, the people there play an active role in the struggle in large
numbers. Furthermore, the population of this part of Kurdistan has
undergone a significant national and democratic evolution under the
leadership of our party. The relations between our national liberation
movement and progressive Arab forces have played a major role in this
raising of consciousness and organization among the people. In most of
south Kurdistan, Iraqi-Arab dominance and hegemony was restored
following the 1974 defeat of the KDP. In September 1980, when the
Iraqi government pulled many of its forces out of Kurdistan just prior
to the Iran-Iraq War, a new armed uprising began. Although this armed
resistance sought to shed its old qualities and become modernized, it
nonetheless failed to win any major achievements and was defeated once
again in 1988. In the aftermath of the Gulf War, this portion of
Kurdistan rose up once again, and following the intervention of the
imperialist states, this region became one in which various forces
were able to agitate. Although part of this region is under Iraqi
control again today, there is a
federative Kurdish governmentin most of the area, under the protection of the imperialist states. This situation in south Kurdistan was made possible by the effects of the national liberation struggle in northwest Kurdistan and the general world situation. This development has increased the ties between the northern and southern areas of Kurdistan, thus making a revolutionary union of both regions part of the agenda. Many different forces have taken advantage of the present situation in this part of Kurdistan.
In the eastern part of Kurdistan, there was heavy fighting at the end
of the 1970s. When the Shah's regime was overthrown in 1979, colonial
rule was removed from east Kurdistan for a short period of time. But
the Islamic Republic, which replaced the Shah, soon reasserted its
hegemony over east Kurdistan and used brutal methods to deal a nearly
total defeat to the traditional resistance forces there. Although the
influence of the national liberation movement in northwest Kurdistan
has expanded in east Kurdistan as well, the level of national
liberation there is very low in comparison to the other parts of
Kurdistan.
The present situation in Kurdistan, which is in a continuous process
of change, exhibits the following characteristics:
A) There is a heavy struggle going on between those forces which wish
to preserve the old colonial status, and those forces which support
national liberation. In this respect, Kurdistan is one of the most
fought over regions in the world.
B) At the present time, Kurdistan is experiencing a far-reaching
national and democratic revolution. In this respect, Kurdistan
represents a revolutionary center whose influence is felt not only in
the entire region, but across the world. All life in Kurdistan is
being affected by the changes being brought about by this revolution.
C) The status of Kurdistan which was brought about in the past (namely
colonial division) is being broken by the national liberation
struggle. New ties and a new unity are developing between the
different parts of Kurdistan. The old harmony between the imperialists
and their colonial state is wearing down. A struggle is taking place
in Kurdistan between the new colonialist policies of the imperialists,
the classical policies of the colonialist states, the politics of
collaboration, and the politics of national liberation.
D) The national liberation struggle in northwest Kurdistan contains a
decisive and directive element for all of Kurdistan.
The Characteristics Of The Situation In Northwest Kurdistan
In northwest Kurdistan, an increasingly intensive struggle has
developed for the past ten years. The revolutionary national
liberation struggle, which our party is waging against the special war
policies of the Turkish Republic, is the motor of this social
change. The situation of struggle defines all sectors of social
life. Furthermore, the national liberation struggle being waged by our
party against the Turkish Republic has had determining effects upon
the national movement and the national struggle in the other parts of
Kurdistan.
After the new colonial capitalism developed in Turkey, its effects
were then seen in Kurdistan, and in the 1960s a colonialist form of
Turkish capitalism began to spread through Kurdistan. In Kurdistan,
this economic structure, which formed around state industries
completely dependent on the Turkish market, was based on the
exploitation of the means of production in Kurdistan. The goal of
Turkish colonialism was to swallow up Kurdistan. In the past ten years
of war, this has become even clearer, and it has since taken on the
form of a special war.
The foundations of economic life in Kurdistan, which are now almost
entirely dictated by the struggle which is taking place, can be
summarized as follows:
A) The colonial economic structure which was previously formed can now
no longer be maintained in the manner it was before. The intensifying
national liberation struggle has set limits to it.
B) Despite being limited, the colonial economy has not lessened in its
exploitation and plundering, rather these have intensified. This is
not in contradiction with the fact that the old structures of Turkish
colonialism are eroding.
C) The Turkish Republic has installed a war economy in Kurdistan, and
all economic life and economic potentials are completely utilized to
benefit the special war. This war economy, however, is a big drain on
the Turkish Republic and it has driven the Turkish economy to ruins.
D) In economic terms, the population are very weakened. But despite
the conditions of a war economy, in some areas such as trade there has
developed an economy for national liberation. The economic relations
which have arisen in Kurdistan under colonial hegemony, and which are
now developing under conditions of war, bring with them a social
formation and change which are dependent upon them. In the past,
colonial capitalism eroded the feudal social structures to some
degree, and instead brought about its own social corruption and
form. While the feudal lords at the top developed into a feudal
comprador class, the peasant class began to dissolve, and together
with the urban petty bourgeoisie a class of unemployed workers and
young intellectuals was formed. Starting with the working class and
including the intellectuals, these social classes formed the
foundations of the colonial hegemony and they were subjected to a
strong process of assimilation. These relationships are now in a
period of deep change.
The revolution being led by our party, and in particular the struggle
of the past ten years, has led to rapid and extensive changes in the
social structure of Kurdistan. The backwards social and cultural
institutions which sought to keep colonialism alive are being torn
town, and the society is showing the development of a revolutionary
arrangement. At the present time, all reality is determined by the
present revolution and struggle. On the one hand, a handful of
traitorous collaborators with colonialism and the special war have
been revealed, on the other hand, a patriotic population is forming,
embracing itself more and more and seeking to overcome its differences
and divisions.
Under the existing conditions, the system of
village guardsshould be viewed as a class. This class, which is composed of backwards feudal, tribal, and comprador forces, as well as spies, agents, collaborators, and some unknowing tribal representatives, represents a social, political, and military pillar of colonialism in Kurdistan. Turkish colonialism is relying more and more on these groups to oppose the revolution, but at the same time it fears the financial expense and political threat of this class. In the base of supporters which the national liberation movement has given rise to, a national Kurdish capitalist class also wishes to develop. The still weak Kurdish national bourgeoisie is comprised of patriotic wealthy persons, traders, and the upper class of the petty bourgeoisie. The existence and development of this new class in Kurdistan is entirely dependent upon the national liberation struggle. The struggle is resulting in the gradual dissolution of the peasant class, at the same time patriotism is on the rise within the petty bourgeoisie. The war has also given rise to a large class of unemployed workers, only a few of whom are able to find jobs.
The migration which has resulted from the special war is an enormous
social problem in Kurdistan. In accordance with the demands of the
special war, economic and military means are applied to depopulate all
the areas of Kurdistan which support the patriotic struggle. Our
people have been spread all over the world, but the majority are to be
found in the metropoles of Turkey itself. These migrants, who were
created by colonialism in order to weaken the national liberation
struggle, have in fact become a great means of support for the
national liberation movement.
The class of intellectuals, which used to be under the influence of
Kemalism, have recognized that they can no longer oppose the
revolutionary struggle and a great number have joined the patriotic
ranks. Furthermore, the clear and educational force which the
revolutionary national liberation struggle has brought about has
helped give rise to an important movement of Kurdish intellectuals.
The politics of Turkish colonialism, which aim to destroy the Kurds as
a nation, have suffered a defeat at the hands of the national
liberation struggle being led by our party. The educational system of
the Turkish Republic no longer functions, and the policies of
assimilation can no longer be carried out without obstruction. The
Kurdish society is developing a broad, sound, and revolutionary
national consciousness, and together with the developing struggle it
forms a revolutionary nation. Because of this, the strong ties which
used to be determined by tribal structures, and the resulting internal
conflicts and factional strife, are disappearing, and in their place
is a strong consciousness based on unity and solidarity.
The revolutionary struggle being led by our party, however, has also
had an effect of self-discovery upon other national minorities and
religious groups who live in Kurdistan, or which are spread out across
the world. The politics of our party has exposed the historical
workings of Turkish colonialism, namely playing off different peoples
against one another, and now that process has been turned around. Our
national liberation struggle is the basis for unity for all
disadvantaged groups adversely affected by Turkish colonialism, and in
it they are able to find their own identity. Our party does not wish
to lapse into a narrow form of nationalism, and our party views all
the many cultures in Kurdistan as a richness; that's why all cultures
are to be guaranteed and supported in their cultural freedom. Our
party opposes capitalist-nationalist tendencies who wish to deny that
Kurdistan is a land full of cultures, and our party seeks to create
conditions under which different cultures can develop in full harmony
and freedom.
The backwards world view which for centuries contributed to hatred
among peoples is being done away with in today's Kurdistan due to the
radical revolution which is unfolding; Kurdish society, which is
presently experiencing the biggest process of renewal in its history,
will instead possess a revolutionary and patriotic world view.
In order to stop this radical revolution in Kurdistan, the Turkish
Republic is waging a special war which knows no boundaries or
rules. Political institutions which were once used to strengthen
colonial control are being abandoned, and a special war administration
is being set up instead all across Kurdistan. This administration,
installed by the Turkish Republic, is carrying out the special war in
Kurdistan. The Turkish army is building up all of its fighting forces
and deploying them in the war in Kurdistan. In addition to traditional
army units, there are new creations such as the special corps, the
special army, and the special teams, as well as the village guard
system and the contra-guerrilla forces which have been created. With
the aid of these forces, and not obeying any rules, all forms of war
and unimaginably brutal methods are being deployed in Kurdistan. But
despite all of this, the Turkish army has lost its former control over
Kurdistan and is presently in a hopeless situation.
In the struggle against the political and military control of the
Turkish Republic in Kurdistan, our party has developed a political and
military dominance. The war of the past ten years, in particular the
events since 1990, has illustrated this dominance. There is now a form
of dual power in Kurdistan. The feelings and thoughts of the Kurdish
people have become revolutionized. The mass organizations and the
National Liberation Front of Kurdistan (ERNK), together with their
various legal and illegal associations, form a broad leading force,
and the Kurdish population are to a large degree led by this force.
The People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan (ARGK), which our party
developed during the course of the war, now has tens of thousands of
fighters; this people's army is stationed in all the strategic regions
of Kurdistan and it has placed the Turkish army in a position of
immobility there.
The events in Kurdistan are determined by the struggle between these
two powers. As soon as the fighting forces see it to their advantage,
and the conditions of war allow it, then other forms of political
struggle can be utilized.
The successes achieved up until now by the revolutionary national
liberation struggle which our party is waging against Turkish
colonialism have brought with them important political and social
developments. It has been shown that the highly reactionary, unjust,
and murderous special war regime of Turkish colonialism can be
defeated, if no mistakes are made and the political and military line
of our party is turned into praxis.
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